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Research and analysis to provoke public awareness and critical thinking

We contribute to the liberalisation of the democratic instituions of society, for they have been captured by the owners of the market. They work in tandem with their market agents, who, posing as public servants, are entrenched in the halls of government. The political class has betrayed its public mandate and instead operates to impose a marketocratic state to maximise the shareholder value of the institutional investors of international financial markets. They own the global corporations and think they own the world on behalf of their very private interest.

Our spheres of action: true democracy – true sustainability – living wage – basic income – inequality – ecological footprint – degrowth – global warming –human development – corporate accountability – civil, political, economic, social, cultural and environmental rights, responsible consumption, sustainable autonomous citizen cells...

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Parting from an ethos of true democracy and true sustainability, We, the citizenry, work to advance the paradigm whose only purpose is to go in pursuit of the welfare of People and Planet and NOT the market.

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2019 Report: Living-wage assessment – PPP Wage rate gaps for selected "developed and emerging" economies for all employed in manufacturing workers (1996 up to 2017).

Overall, 2017 is the first year in the 22-year span in this report that US hourly wage rates dropped (0,9%). This enabled the vast majority of countries to reduce their comparative wage gaps or increase their surpluses in their manufacturing wage Eq-Index or at least keep their position.

Of the twelve economies in this report with data since 1996, Germany continues to have the best position with an actual equalisation advantage over the US in real PPP terms in its hourly wage rates, followed by France with a one point advantage over US wage rates. All other countries continue to record wage gaps vis-à-vis equivalent manufacturing wage rates in the US. Seven out of the twelve countries in this chart improved their position in 2017 vis-à-vis 2016 by increasing their advantage (Germany and France) or decreasing their wage gaps (Canada, UK, Spain, Japan and South Korea). Brazil and Mexico remained with their same gap in 2017 as in 2016. Only Italy, Singapore and Australia increased their gaps from the previous year. Mexico and Brazil continue reporting the worst wage gaps.

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2019 Report: Living-wage assessment – New assessment of Argentina's wage rate gap 1996-2017

With the staunchly neoliberal Macri government, Argentina reverted the impressive progress achieved in living-wage equalisation in the manufacturing sector of more than one decade. Repairing the damage will be a daunting task of the upcoming Fernández government, if it has the political and economic skill to materialize it.

Argentina is once again in the midst of an extreme economic crisis, as it was in 2002, as the direct result of the deep neoliberal economic policies that were reinstated by the Macri government to return to supply-side economics that depletes labour’s share of income. After the 2002 economic crisis, Argentina experienced a steady improvement of real wages. The Eq-Idx increased 93% between 2002 and 2012 to then drop gradually 19% to 2016. Macri’s government, claiming that their new economic plan would stop the unrelenting increase of inflation and stabilize the economy, did everything it could to reverse the demand-side policies of the preceding Kirchner and Fernández governments. These governments’ policies were instrumental in recovering Argentina’s economy, and, all the more important, much of the standard of living enjoyed prior to the 2002 “corralito crisis”, when Argentinians were unable to have free access to their private funds in their bank accounts for a full year, could not exchange their funds for other currencies, and could only withdraw a very limited amount on a weekly basis.

Prior to Macri’s government, manufacturing wages and their equalisation with US equivalent wages began to recover at a fast pace after 2002. The equalisation with equivalent wages in the US increased at an unprecedented pace, reaching a 58 Eq-Idx in 2012, almost twice the 30 index of 2002. This made Argentina’s manufacturing compensation cost the highest in Iberian America by a large margin. However, the steep increase of both the minimum wage and manufacturing wages, which, for the period 2003-2012, increased an average of 27,5% and 25,1%, respectively, in local currency, were faced with a corresponding inflation average of 16,3% for the same period, that Argentinian governments were unable to control and that subsequently exploded. The race to outperform inflation became unattainable and in 2014, inflation reached 38,6% whilst manufacturing wages increased only 30,3%. In 2015, the last year of the Fernández government, inflation dropped to 26,8%, but then, with Macri, jumped to 39,2% in 2016, dropped again to 24,8% in 2017, exploded to 47,6% in 2018, and it reached 53,5% in the last twelve months (September 2019) and it is expected to reach 57% in 2019.


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2019 Report: Living-wage assessment – New assessment of Brazil's wage rate gap 1996-2017

With the Temer and Bolsonaro governments against demand-side economic policies, Brazil’s labour remunerations are bound to lose in real terms. Temer’s government passed a new law (PEC 55) that freezes all public spending for 20 years, which implies that constitutionally-protected government expenditures in the areas of health, education and other social sectors would remain stunted until 2036. This has in practice ended Brazil’s commitment to sustain its minimum wage appreciation policy, after the minimum wage had more than doubled in real terms since 1996. Manufacturing wages actually lost ground since 1996, until the minimum wage appreciation policy began to have a positive influence from 2009 onwards. But with a renewed recession during the 2014-2016 period that is only beginning to subside and the staunchly neoliberal supply-side approach followed by Bolsonaro’s new government, Brazil will no longer sustain the closing of its Eq-Idx and it is likely to actually increase its equalization gap with comparative wages in the US.

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Living-wage assessment – Table T5: 1996-2017 Real wage-gap rates for fourteen selected economies, in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms, for all employed in manufacturing. *(The base table used for all PPP real-wage gap analysis)

2017 is the first year in the 22-year span in this report that US hourly wage rates dropped (0,9%). This enabled the vast majority of countries to reduce their comparative wage gaps or increase their surpluses in their manufacturing wage Eq-Index or at least keep their position.

Japan has reversed the downward trend in living-wage equalisation (Eq-Idx) that began in 2013. South Korea sustained the growing trend of its Eq-Idx that resumed in 2014 after a brief downturn in 2013. A strong drop of Singapore’s hourly rate in local currency produced a 1 point loss in its Eq-Idx.

•In the euro zone, Spain, Germany and France stopped their downturn that began in 2012, after steady and stronger growth of the US hourly rate vis-à-vis the growth of their comparative hourly rates in euros. In contrast, Italy’s drop of its hourly rate of almost 4% in local currency and 2% in US dollars, produced further erosion of its Eq-Idx that began in 2014.

The United Kingdom, reversed the sustained erosion of its Eq-Idx that began in 2008 and gained four points from its 2016 position. In contrast, Australia continued to decrease its Eq-Idx that began in 2014, with 4,4% drop of its hourly rate in local currency and a 1,9% increase in the PPP cost of living. In the case of Canada, the combination of its hourly rate increase in Canadian dollars of 9,4%, its currency revaluation of 2,2% and the 0,9% US rate decrease, produced an 11,8% increase of its hourly rate in US dollars between 2016 and 2017.

South Africa is a new economy incorporated into this report, showing a steady increase of its Eq-Idx since 2004, the earliest year with available data. Extremely strong growth of hourly rate in local currency (41%) at a much higher rate than strong currency devaluation (17%) produced a strong 31% increase of Turkey’s Eq-Idx, the highest of all economies included in our reports.

In Brazil the hourly rates and the Eq-Idx are bound to drop in 2018 and 2019, given that Bolsonaro’s new government is deepening the anti-labour policies initiated by the Temer government. In Mexico wage policy appears to have changed in 2017 after the execution of consistent supply-side policies over more than three decades. Yet, Mexico continues to have one of the widest living-wage gaps among the 41 countries included in all our reports, just ahead of China, India and the Philippines.

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2019 Report: Living-wage assessment – New assessment of Mexico's wage rate gap 1996-2017

Mexico’s fraudulent government, fixated on the precarisation of Mexican society, deliberately contained real wages in manufacturing and across all economic sectors as a core matter of its economic policy for nearly 36 years. This appears to begin to change.

Mexico’s track record since 1996 exposed a deliberate state policy of maintaining modern-slave-work real wages between 1996 and 2015. However, wage policy appears to have changed in 2017 after the execution of consistent supply-side policies over more than three decades. For the first time the federal minimum wage was increased above inflation in 2017 and 2018. Through a so-called “Independent Recovery Amount”, the minimum wage for 2017 was increased arbitrarily by 9,6%, including 3,9% to offset the estimated CPI inflation rate. The same criterion was applied for 2018, for a total minimum wage increase of 10,4%, including a 3,9% increase to offset CPI inflation. In 2019, Mexico’s new government, touting to implement a strong minimum wage recovery policy, increased the minimum wage by 16,2%, including a 5% increase to offset inflation.

All of this seems to have a direct positive impact on manufacturing wages in real terms and on its equalisation with comparative US wages. Between 2014 and 2017 the hourly rate in local currency increased 41,2%, but the peso experienced a steep devaluation of 29,8%. Thus the hourly rate in US dollars decreased slightly by 0,8%. However, due to the devaluation of the Mexican peso and low inflation, the PPP conversion factor dropped 23,6% for the same period. This allowed the Eq-Idx to gain four points, to 23, both in 2016 and 2017, the highest recorded index in the 22 year span of time. Yet, Mexico continues to have one of the widest living-wage gaps among the 41 countries included in all our reports, just ahead of China, India and the Philippines.

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2019 Report: Living-wage assessment – New assessment of Spain's wage rate gap 1996-2017

Spain experienced a very meaningful increase of its Eq-Idx in 2017, gaining 4 points equivalent to a 4,5% increase; the result of the combination of the increase of its hourly rate in euros, the euro revaluation against the US dollar and the drop of 0,9% of the US hourly rate. Although this is a reversal of its previous drop between 2014 and 2016, the change is in line with the vast majority of European economies for the same reasons.

Spain had made great economic strides in its convergence with the major European economies in the last part of the twentieth century, but began to stall after 1996, during the rule of its conservative government. Spain’s Eq-Idx for production-line workers in manufacturing rose powerfully from 51 in 1975 to 84 in 1990, but then it began to hover in the mid 70s indices. In this way, the Eq-Idx —in purchasing power parity terms— of total hourly compensation costs for all employed in manufacturing has not reached an 80 index and has continued to linger since joining the euro between 70 in 1999 and 77 in 2017, averaging nearly a 73 index for the period. This is the result of supply-side economic policies applied by both right and left of centre governments that no longer sought to put at par Spain’s labour compensations in manufacturing with the compensation rates of equivalent workers in the major economies of the euro area (Germany, France and Italy) under the principle of equal pay for equal work of equal value. The end result appears to be the deliberate decision to keep wages —in terms of living wage equalisation— at the same level they have recorded vis-à-vis the US, Germany, France and Italy.

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Living-wage assessment – twenty-eight European economies.

2017 is the first year in the 22-year span in this report that US hourly wage rates dropped (0,9%). This enabled the vast majority of countries to reduce their comparative wage gaps or increase their
surpluses in their manufacturing wage Eq-Index. Most European economies improved their living-wage equalisation position very meaningfully.

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Living-wage assessment – eight Asia and Oceania economies.

2017 is the first year in the 22-year span in this report that US hourly wage rates dropped (0,9%). This enabled the vast majority of countries 9except for Australia and Singapore) to reduce their comparative wage gaps or increase their surpluses in their manufacturing wage Eq-Index or at least keep their position. This allowed most countries in the region to improve their living wage equalisation position to improve.

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Living-wage assessment – the four largest economies in the Americas (Canada, Brazil, Mexico and Argentina).

2017 is the first year in the 22-year span in this report that US hourly wage rates dropped (0,9%). This enabled the vast majority of countries to reduce their comparative wage gaps or increase their surpluses in their manufacturing wage Eq-Index. In the Americas, all four major economies reduced their equalisation gaps or remained at the same level.

In the case of Canada, the combination of its hourly rate increase in Canadian dollars of 9,4%, its currency revaluation of 2,2% and the 0,9% US rate decrease, produced an 11,8% increase of its hourly rate in US dollars
between 2016 and 2017. This enabled its living wage equalisation index (Eq-Idx) to grow 10,2%, from 75 to 83, its highest since 2010.

In Argentina, In 2017, in local currency, the minimum wage managed to increase by 17,2% in nominal terms but inflation grew by 24,8%. In 2018 the minimum wage increased 12,9% but inflation reached 47,8%. In 2017, manufacturing hourly rates increased 29,1% in pesos and 15% in US dollars, whilst the US hourly rate dropped almost 1%, This allowed Argentina’s manufacturing hourly wage rates to increase its equalisation index by three points to a 50 Index. However, with inflation close to 48% and a devaluation of 41% in 2018, Argentina’s hourly rates and their equalisation index with comparative US rates are certain to drop dramatically in 2018, with CPI and exchange rate indicators looking even worse for 2019.

In Brazil the hourly rates and the Eq-Idx are bound to drop in 2018 and 2019, given that Bolsonaro’s new government is deepening the anti-labour policies initiated by the Temer government.

In Mexico wage policy appears to have changed in 2017 after the execution of consistent supply-side policies over more than three decades. This allowed the Eq-Idx to gain four points, to 23, both in 2016 and 2017, the highest recorded index in the 22 year span of time, but still the country continues having the widest living-wage gap in the Americas by far.



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What are we saying when we talk about sustainability?

A political ecological proposal

If you consider 1987 (the Brundtland Report) as the official beginning of the idea of sustainability, the term has made a brilliant journey of almost three decades and is still alive. In its evolution, it has become at the same time a concept, paradigm, theoretical framework, technical instrument, utopia, pretext, ideology and many other things, but above all it has become the word that contains a vague desire of the educated and privileged masses of the planet for a better world in which the human race rediscovers itself ideally with nature and with social justice. Beyond the ideological dimension, and its multiple and ungraspable interpretations, this essay focuses on sustainability as a scientific concept that springs from an interdisciplinary vision of reality, and that for many authors achieves the status of a new paradigm. The essay attempts to show how the scientific concept of sustainability in the vast majority of its versions, is not but a techno-economic expression that explicitly or implicitly is aimed at convincing the "decision makers", and that seeks to apply solutions merely technical. Using a political ecological approach, based on the theory of the three powers, the essay identifies and develops a definition of sustainability as a social power, which turns the concept into a promising political instrument of social and environmental emancipation, in a legitimate version of a " science with conscience.

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Global Wage Report 2016/2017

The 2016/17 edition examines inequality at the workplace level, providing empirical evidence on the extent to which wage inequality is the result of wage inequality between enterprises as well as within enterprises. The report also includes a review of key policy issues regarding wages.

Over the past few years there has been a growing recognition of the need to monitor wage trends and implement sustainable wage policies that prevent wage stagnation, raise levels of pay for the millions of working poor around the world, ensure fair distribution, reduce excessive wage and income inequalities, and buttress consumption as a key pillar of sustainable economies. Where incomes have grown and income inequality has been reduced, this has frequently come about as the result of a combination of more jobs in paid employment for low-income households and a more equitable wage distribution. The role of labour markets and wages in reducing poverty and inequality has also been highlighted in the first edition of the World Bank’s annual flagship report, Poverty and shared prosperity (World Bank, 2016).

Second, wages matter for economic and political reasons. At the level of enterprises, the wages of paid employees represent a cost. But at the macroeconomic level, sustainable wage growth is central to maximizing aggregate demand. While excessive wage growth may lead to price inflation and declining exports or investment, weak wage growth can represent a drag on household consumption and domestic demand – a prospect that is particularly relevant in the current global economic context characterized by slow growth. Excessive inequality tends to contribute to lower economic growth and less social cohesion (Ostry, Berg and Tsangarides, 2014; d’Hombres, Weber and Elia, 2012). It can also lead to political polarization: a recent IMF report pointed out that in some countries the nature of political discussions had shifted as a result of “growing income inequality as well as structural shifts, some connected with globalization, that are seen as having favoured economic elites while leaving others behind” (IMF, 2016a, p. xiii).

Last but not least, wages are about more than money; they matter from the point of view of fairness and human dignity. The ILO has long emphasized that “labour is not a commodity” and that, this being so, the price of labour cannot be determined purely and simply through the application of the rule of supply and demand (see ILO, 1944 and 2014a). As pointed out by Piketty, “the price system knows neither limits nor morality” (2014, p. 6). Minimum wages play an important role in ensuring that workers are treated in a way that is fair and compatible with notions of human dignity and respect. Over and above minimum wage levels, policies in the areas of wages, hours and other conditions of work can contribute substantially to fostering social dialogue and collective bargaining, and ensuring a just share of the fruits of progress to all (ILO, 2008a). Fairness includes equal remuneration for work of equal value, and the elimination of pay discrimination between men and women, or between other groups.

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Human Development Indices and Indicators — 2018 ststitical update

Inequalities in human development —a grave challenge to progress. — Going beyond the average achievements, the IHDI and disaggregated assessments reveal large inequalities across human development dimensions. When the HDI is adjusted for inequalities, the global HDI value falls 20 percent


Human development is about human freedoms. It is about building human capabilities—not just for a few, not even for most, but for everyone. In 1990 UNDP published the first Human Development Report (HDR). Since then, it has produced more than 800 global, regional, national and subnational HDRs and organized hundreds of workshops, conferences and other outreach initiatives to foster human development. These activities have extended the frontiers of analytical thinking about human progress beyond economic growth, firmly placing people and human well-being at the centre of development policies and strategies.

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Farewell to Development

An Interview with Arturo Escobar

As inequality and environmental degradation worsen, the search is on not only for alternative development models but also for alternatives to development itself. Leading post-development theorist Arturo Escobar, co-editor of The Post-Development Dictionary and author of Design for the Pluriverse, discusses the fight for pluralism and justice in Latin America with Allen White, Senior Fellow at the Tellus Institute.

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The Underlying Causes of Immigration from Mexico to the United States

Strctures of Deprivation

To write about the underlying causes of immigration means addressing a paramount social issue that pervades the lives of most societies in the world, both in the periphery as well as in the metropolises of the global capitalist system. Immigration is inherent to human nature. Billions of people have travelled from their birthplace in search of a better life from the very moment homo “sapiens” began to wander around his primeval surroundings. At first, all humans were nomads. They constantly moved from one place to another, from cave to cave, from valley to valley, from region to region, from continent to continent, many times traveling thousands of kilometres in their quest for better conditions of survival. Thousands of years later, with the rise of civilisations and hundreds of sedentary settlements, people continued to move to lands inhabited by other civilisations, with different cultural and ethnical backgrounds, always in pursuit of a better life. As empires rose and destroyed competing civilisations, many people were forced to leave, or they were moved forcefully to other places to serve the interests of the conquerors as they pleased. The history of humanity is composed of the never-ending destruction and conquering of many peoples by stronger societies in their quest for power and wealth.

This has never changed despite thousands of years of human experience and “sophistication” in the organisation of societies, despite the rise of so called democratic nation states, human rights covenants and international law. Today, people continue to move from one place to another, many times escaping a high risk of death as a result of social conflicts, poverty, or, instead of the rule of law, a complete state of anomie —the loss of all the ethical social standards conceived to procure a dignified and harmonious coexistence among the members of society. In the vast majority of cases, as should be evident, there is also the effect —to a lesser or greater degree— of the actions of foreign actors that intervene in the lives of other societies in pursuit of their own vested interests, always associated with the pursuit of greater power and wealth. In the twenty-first century, we continue the same ancient patterns of power exertion and displacement of people all over the world. In this way, millions of people continue to migrate from Eastern Europe to Western Europe, from Africa to Europe, from Asia to North America and from Iberian America to North America as well, to name the major migration flows.

This paper focuses on the underlying causes of immigration from Mexico to the United States from a political and socio-economic viewpoint. However, the root causes behind the flows of emigrants in other regions of the world are consistently the same. They result from the impact of powerful geo- political interests on the general population of both the emitting and the receiving countries of the millions of migrants in their escape from unbearable conditions and in pursuit of a dignified life. From this perspective, we will uncover and review the underlying causes of immigration from Mexico to the US, which are structural, in an effort to shed light onto their real solution. That is, the only way to permanently solve the issue of Mexican migration to the US, is by addressing the structural causes that force people to leave their homelands. Addressing only the symptoms triggered by these causes will never solve the issue and instead would further consolidate the patterns regardless of how aggressive and inhumane the policies are designed to stop the flows of migrants. We also focus on Mexico because it has been for many decades the main source of immigrants to the US due to its proximity and even more so after the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994, which has made Mexico the third largest US trading partner, after China and Canada, beyond being the main exporter of migrants forced to leave their communities.

 

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2019!
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The Meaning of Work in a Sustainable Society

The nature and meaning of work, as it pertains to a future society, has deeply divided ecological, socialist, utopian, and Romantic thinkers since the Industrial Revolution. Some radical theorists have seen a more just society as merely requiring the rationalisation of present-day work relations, accompanied by increased leisure time and more equitable distribution. Others have focused on the need to transcend the entire system of alienated labour and make the development of creative work relations the central element of a new revolutionary society. In what appears to be an effort to circumvent this enduring conflict, current visions of sustainable prosperity, while not denying the necessity of work, often push it into the background, placing their emphasis instead on an enormous expansion of leisure hours. Increased non-work time seems an unalloyed good, and is easily imaginable in the context of a no-growth society. In contrast, the very question of work is fraught with inherent difficulties, since it goes to the roots of the current socioeconomic system, its division of labour, and its class relations. Yet it remains the case that no coherent ecological mapping of a sustainable future is conceivable without addressing the issue of homo faber, i.e., the creative, constructive, historical role in the transformation of nature, and hence the social relation to nature, that distinguishes humanity as a species.

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The New Service Proletariat

In recent decades, the spread of information technology, industrial automation, and other innovations has inspired visions of a coming “postindustrial society of services,” in which the proletariat as it existed in earlier eras would effectively disappear. However, even a cursory survey of the reality of contemporary global labour markets belies this myth. The emergence of a new class of educated, salaried workers in high-tech fields is predicated on the increasing invisibility of workers employed in sectors and settings ranging from call centres and telemarketing to hotels and cleaning companies to retail, fast food, and care services. The great majority of these jobs are precarious in one way or another: seasonal, part-time, temporary, informal, or freelance, with little or no security or benefits.

An emblematic example is the zero-hour contract, a perverse form of employment that thrives in the United Kingdom and elsewhere. Instead of working a fixed number of hours or shifts, zero-hour employees must remain perpetually at their bosses’ disposal, waiting for a call. Once they receive this call, they are paid only for the time they actually work, and not for the time—days, weeks, even months—spent waiting. Information technology firms in particular have embraced this method of complete flexibilisation of labour, which serves at once to make workers continually available for exploitation and to further normalise the regime of precariousness, leaving workers with ever fewer protections.

Uber is another example. The company’s drivers, who are treated as independent contractors rather than formal employees, must provide their own cars and pay for all expenses, including vehicle repairs, maintenance, insurance, and fuel. The Uber “app” is in fact a global private enterprise that uses wage labour masked as “independent” and “entrepreneurial” work to appropriate a larger share of the surplus value generated by the services of its drivers.

 

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Global Commodity Chains and the New Imperialism

Jus Semper’s core work has been from inception assessing the enormous disparities in hourly manufacturing labour costs, for equivalent work, between the metropolises and the emerging economies in the periphery of the global system. We have always performed our work for reasons of equity, using purchasing power parity compensation costs, under the context of equal pay for equal work of equal value We do this to expose the sheer exploitation of labour in peripheral economies for the maximisation of productivity and shareholder value of global corporations. In this way, we have published our annual reports on “Wage rate gaps for selected developed and emerging economies in manufacturing” since 2003, using data dating back to 1975. For this reason, we feel truly encouraged to continue our mission by now publishing a new essay that addresses the same issue of sheer labour exploitation of workers in the global South of the system from the perspective of productivity, using as the main indicator the unit labour costs of a select group of both Northern and Southern economies of the global system, namely Germany, Japan, United States and United Kingdom in the North and China, India, Indonesia, and Mexico in the South. Indeed, as the authors clearly explain and demonstrate in the following pages, the much higher rates of exploitation of workers in the global South has to do not simply with low wages, but also with the fact that the difference in wages between the North and South is greater than the difference in productivity. This paper further enlightens with rather strong evidence, anchored on theoretical and empirical research of commodity-chain analysis, our argument that the main driver of social inequality between North and South is the deliberate system of “Modern Slave Work”; a system imposed in the global South by the elites of both the centre and the periphery of the global capitalist system, to exploit the labour-value commodity chains to perpetuate what could best be described as a new global colonialism or imperialism.

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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
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2019!

The Underlying Causes of Immigration from Mexico to the United States

Slides Presentation

This is a video of the actual presentation delivered by Álvaro de Regil, Executive Director of The Jus Semper Global Alliance, at the Lundring Center of California Lutheran University. the event was organised by Cal Luthran's School of Management as part of the "Distinguished Speakers series" on 24 October 2019. If you are interested in watching the actual video presentation produced by the School of Management you can do it here https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ItHIM...

The presentation focuses on the underlying causes of immigration from Mexico to the United States from a political and socio-economic viewpoint. However, the root causes behind the flows of emigrants in other regions of the world are consistently the same. They result from the impact of powerful geo- political interests on the general population of both the emitting and the receiving countries of the millions of migrants in their escape from unbearable conditions and in pursuit of a dignified life. From this perspective, we will uncover and review the underlying causes of immigration from Mexico to the US, which are structural, in an effort to shed light onto their real solution. That is, the only way to permanently solve the issue of Mexican migration to the US, is by addressing the structural causes that force people to leave their homelands. Addressing only the symptoms triggered by these causes will never solve the issue and instead would further consolidate the patterns regardless of how aggressive and inhumane the policies are designed to stop the flows of migrants. We focus on Mexico because it has been for many decades the main source of immigrants to the US due to its proximity and even more so after the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994, which has made Mexico the third largest US trading partner, after China and Canada, beyond being the main exporter of migrants forced to leave their communities.

 

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Video of Slides Presentation

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